Wednesday, May 21, 2025

The Age of Barbarians, Episode 4: Ongka’s Big Eurotrip


What’s up every single one of you, this is Office Hours with the Brofessor: The Show that’s Proudly Irrelevant! This is The Age of Barbarians, Episode 4: Ongka’s Big Eurotrip.  Today we’re going to talk about the Linear Band Ceramic Culture of Central Europe, dated to about 7,000 years ago. These workers of stone and wood spread their culture up the river valleys of Europe, flourished, and collapsed dramatically* over the course of one thousand years. This was a time of thick primeval forests, longhouses, small-scale agriculture, first cultural contacts, endemic tribal warfare, Big Men, and the elephant in the room that is ritual cannibalism. But I’m not talking about New Guinea, I’m talking about Europe.

*…in an orgy of cannibalistic destruction

              This episode has two dedications: first my homie Parlik, latest subscriber as of August 21st, 2024, when I started this script. I’m recording this almost six months later, on February 14th. That shows you the pace of things around here. But I thought, here it is. Friday, February 14th. I can think of nothing better to do on this fine evening to put on a tie, sit in my apartment, and record a video for Parlik and all the bros on Youtube. Yes sir, tonight, Friday, February 14th, is just as good a night as any. To do that.

Anyway, Parlik, welcome aboard the cool guys’ train. We’re on a trip through late prehistoric Europe inspired by the likes of Middle-Earth, Conan the Barbarian, and Jethro Tull. But the real hero of this episode is, of course, Ongka, the Papuan Big Man who pig-distributed his way into all of our hearts in the delightful documentary “Ongka’s Big Moka”. I hope he would be happy to have a little tribute from a fan, even though I’m sure he’d prefer I just sent him some pigs and an extra wife.

              Also, I’ll give a shoutout to the inimitable Stefan Milo, who put out an excellent video on this very topic several years ago. Check it out.

              A final bit of housekeeping. Today I am going to attempt the experiment of giving all years in BC (Before the Christian era) rather than KYA (thousand years ago). We’re breaking things down by the century rather than the millennium, so this may be easier. Let’s see how it feels.

              So as we discussed in our last episode, the first farmers in central Europe were the descendants of settlers from Anatolia, were prevented for several centuries from expanding north of the Danube. These people needed to adapt to a different climate and environment, and develop a very different mode of life from their Mediterranean forebears. Between 8000 and 6000 BC, these people had migrated, generation over generation. They came from the warmer, mediterranean climate of Anatolia, into the comparatively frigid steppes and forests of Hungary and Romania.

For the next five centuries the population absorbed the ecology. A new mode of living developed, adapting to European seasons, geography, and demography. They acclimated and, in a sense, indigenized themselves and their way of life. They adapted the Mediterranean innovation of farming to the seasons and soil of interior Europe. Starting around 5500, they exploded their way up the river valleys of Europe, absorbing hunter-gatherer populations and populating Central Europe with a patchwork of related tribes. After they ran out of river valleys, population got high, and resources got low, and the culture collapsed*. This was the Linear Band Ceramic Culture.

*in an orgy of cannibalistic destruction.

              Also known as LBK, since ceramic starts with a K in German, or the Linear Pottery Culture, these guys developed a way of life that was structured around an extended family living in a single longhouse, clan villages of several longhouses, and what was likely a patriarchal lineage structure. These villages dotted the riversides of central Europe, at first in the low-lying river valleys, for example of the Danube or Vistula, but gradually working their way upstream and along tributaries. They lived by small-scale slash-and-burn farming, cutting out swathes in the dense forests, and expanding up the river when things got too crowded.

              Let’s check these guys out:


              Looking at these pictures I have to remind myself that this is a European culture. I’m struck at least superficially by the clothing, the digging sticks, the ornamentation on people and houses, that puts me more in the mind of New Guinea, or say, the Woodlands Indian cultures of Eastern North America. Indeed, the Linear Pottery Culture in many ways resembles small-scale tribal agricultural societies around the world in our time. I’m very intrigued when I think of Europe populated by the same sort of slash-and-burn, Big-Man, longhouse culture that existed in New Guinea, the Pacific Northwest, or parts of the Amazon. These guys would be right at home in Ongka’s Big Moka, which I must say is a brilliant and hilarious film. If you’ve never seen it, let me explain.

              Ongka is a Big Man, or a de-facto leader in a tribal society in which power and influence are gained through gift-giving. He lives in a village in Papua New Guinea with his wives, children, and most importantly pigs:

Ongka on pigs.

Ongka is a powerful man within his society. As a Big Man, Ongka must give a moka, or ritual gift distribution, in order to keep his power and influence. The more lavish the moka, the more influence he gains through the implied obligations of giver and recipient, guest and host. Ongka’s goal is to amass enough pigs to give away that all the rival Big Men will be put to shame at his big rager, I mean moka. Sounds pretty dry, but Ongka wears a hilarious t-shirt and the narrator busts out a few asides and dubs that made me and my roommate laugh so hard beer came out our noses.

              Well anyway, this is what I see LBK Europe being like, and I imagine similar scenarios happening in that culture. Jockeying with your third cousins for power, arable land, and cattle would have happened, ritualized perhaps in gift-giving, endemic warfare, and the exchange of marriage partners. De-facto leaders would have had influence over several clans, exercised by calling in favors and gift-debts. As fields became less fertile, you slashed-and-burned your way to a new field. When your field was no longer productive, you abandoned your longhouse. These ruins of longhouses, reduced to grassy mounds, may later have played a role in the construction, many centuries later, of long burial mounds for the dead.

              As the LBK culture expanded, they would have encountered local hunter-gatherer groups, who belonged to the WHG (“Western Hunter-Gatherer”) genetic clade. Gradually through trading, fighting and intermarriage, the LBK replaced the hunter-gatherers, who nevertheless made a genetic contribution to the LBK makeup. Hunter-gatherers not assimilating into LBK would have been gradually restricted to mountain refugia and deep forests. As hunter-gatherers married into LBK families, people would have grown up hearing stories handed down both from their farming ancestors in the Balkans and Anatolia, and their mesolithic hunter-gatherer ancestors in Europe. It may be through this influence that the “Swamper” cultural package of mystic land-water boundaries and a strong fascination with astronomy entered the agriculturalists’ consciousness and worldview. Lore brought up in previous centuries from the Middle East blended with that of Europe’s deep, perhaps paleolithic, antiquity. It may be that some of their stories and frameworks of worldview survive to this day. Who knows. This dynamic is also mirrored in places like New Guinea and parts of Africa, where hunter-gatherers and farmers or herdsmen coexist, the more populous food producers often edging out the hunter-gatherers. At times, hunter-gatherers may find ways to exist for a time within niches unexploited by food producers. There is evidence that hunter-gatherers may have had a high social status in Early Neolithic Europe.

              In a relatively short time—a couple of centuries—the LBK had spread across the Central European Plain, from the Dniester all the way to modern France:

              Let’s jump in Bill and Ted’s time-traveling phonebooth and go back to this time. The year is 5200 BC, and we are visiting our LBK friends at their village on the banks of the Vistula river, maybe located where modern Warsaw stands today. Forests of birch and maple cover the landscape between the rivers, along which are cut rough patches in the forest for wheat and barley. In the center of the fields stands a cluster of thatched, wattle-and-daub longhouses. The same building materials would continue to be used throughout European prehistory, and one might be forgiven for seeing, at first glance, a village of Iron Age Europe.

              We meet our friend at the field where he and his sons tend their cattle. Let’s give him a name: Ongka, after the great (or rather, Big) Man himself. It’s a warm August day, so the guys are naked except for some cool ochre body paint, which works as a sunscreen and performs some of the same social functions that clothing does to us. The patterns of their body paint are the same as those on their pottery, some of which survives to this day:

For these guys, cattle are everything. Ongka’s late father’s mourning period is over, and to celebrate the occasion he hopes to perform such a lavish ceremony of gift-giving that his enemies should be disgraced utterly, and he should become for the foreseeable future the preeminent Big Man of the district. The Biggest Man, if you will. He recently acquired more cattle in exchange for one of his daughters in marriage. One of the cows was pregnant, and did not miscarry. His oldest son, having established his own farmstead on an upriver tributary, promised to send all of his mature cattle calved two years previously. Ongka thinks his son is being stingy, and though he loves his son, he feels a touch of resentment at having raised him, acquired a wife for him, and supported him in his move upriver, only for the young man to send him such a small number of cattle. Doesn’t his son realize the importance of this event? Since lunchtime, Ongka has been racking his brain over how to get a few more cattle by the time he distributes them.

              Ongka, his sons, and their dogs drive the cattle home. I try to help by waving my arms and mooing, but a cow headbutts me and I almost get trampled*. Ongka pulls me out of danger and shakes his head in secondhand embarrassment. A real man should know how to drive cattle, he says as we walk along. Even his son-in-law agrees, who joined his household from the men of the coast.

*True story.

Ongka is proud of his son-in-law. Men of the coast are good hunters and fighters, and have magical powers. It’s good to have one in the family, not least because their presence mitigates the effects of curses. They’re swarthy, thin men who do not know bread and live on fish and berries. Imagine such a life. It’s much better to raise cattle. The son-in-law, walking beside us, smiles and rolls his eyes.  

We arrive at the longhouse where Ongka lives with his wives and children. As we approach the house, his fourth wife takes charge of the cattle and sons. She joined his household last year. He admits that she is not very attractive, but he married her anyway because she knows a lot about raising cattle.

              Ongka invites us into the longhouse. It is divided into a space for animals in the back, and a living area in the front. This technology developed as a response to the colder climate of central Europe, where it makes sense in winter to share warmth as much as possible. Ongka entertains us with some venison his son-in-law had killed—cattle are too valuable to slaughter outside of special occasions—and we pass around a ceramic pot of porridge-like beer, flavored with raspberries. Maybe someone lights up a joint.

As the beer jug passes around, Ongka opens up a bit about why he’s so anxious. The upcoming gift distribution is critically important for him because, as he explains, Ongka will be moving his household to another field in two years. However, a rival is eyeing the same land, known as good grazing ground.

Every twenty years or so, households move to another location, where the fallow fields have regained their fertility. The same areas have been in families for generations. When Ongka was a young man, his father moved their household to where he lives now—and he will soon move to the field where his father spent his boyhood. The ruins of his father’s boyhood longhouse still stand. His grandfather is buried there.

How will Ongka face his father and grandfather in the afterlife if he loses their land, where their houses stood? By distributing cattle to his allies, he hopes to enlist their help against the encroachment; by distributing cattle to his enemies, Ongka hopes to humiliate them so thoroughly that they would never again dare so audacious a challenge. We quote a Big Man of our time, the original Ongka, to our friend: “Now that I have given you all these things, I have won. I have knocked you down by giving you so much.” Our friend laughs and claps his hands. This is exactly what he hopes to do at the distribution of his cattle.

Ongka has been careful, however, not to invite the curses of witches, whose help his enemy has certainly enlisted. Ongka’s father always told him that a witch killed his brother. His father had to hunt down the witch, an old man, and kill and eat him before anyone else was put in danger. Ongka feels fairly confident that his son-in-law from the coast ((Snoop) Doggerland!) will help ward off evil, but he can’t be too careful, and he is assiduous in applying the most auspicious symbols and patterns in his body paint. Sometimes, unusual visitors can be manifestations of witches, but Ongka assures us that he knows we are no such thing. We wish him a good evening and return to our own time.

              Our friend’s society would last, as we have observed it, for another century before the underlying problems began to really put a strain on things. This was the first time Europe had been widely settled by agriculturalists in such high populations, and their way of life was simply unsustainable. Our buddy’s son moved to a tributary and set up a farmstead, while his father’s old field was being eyed with envy. Eventually, the population would just get too big, and they would run out of rivers. People couldn’t just move upstream anymore, there was already someone there. Land was probably decreasing in fertility over many generations of use. Something had to give, and over perhaps a century we see the collapse of the Linear Pottery culture into a nightmarish apocalypse. It is from this period that we find three of the most disturbing and click-baity sites of Neolithic Europe: the Tahlheim Death Pit, Schöneck-Kilianstädten, and Herxheim in modern Germany.

Somehow, I keep running into archaeological sites with really metal names. “Tahlheim Death Pit” is almost as good of a band name as the “Pit of Bones” over in Spain. Anyway, whatever happened here, it wasn’t good. Tahlheim looks like the site of a village massacred, disturbingly, for its women. We know this because young women are underrepresented among the victims. This was during the LBK decline, so around 5000 BC. People are getting crowded, they’ve run out of rivers to move up, and young men are competing violently for resources and, yes, women.

Schöneck-Kilianstädten is another site where some bad stuff went down. It looks like a village of people was not only massacred, but also tortured by having their legs broken before death. Once again, young women are underrepresented among the victims.

Herxheim is even more ghastly. Hundreds if not over a thousand people were ritually dismembered and cannibalized here. We don’t know for sure if it was human sacrifice or simply a funerary practice, but it looks pretty bad, and it probably was. Interestingly this is the only site I know of, even though the Linear Pottery Culture was widespread through Central Europe. Was this a particularly psychopathic local institution? Or was it a ritual center for a pan-European blood cult, to which communities sent victims as a mark of cultural cohesion? What would be the benefit of doing so? Or, more charitably, was this where people sent their dead, or went to die? Some of the victims seemed to have come from some distance away. So, in fairness and justice to the Temple-of-Doom Cannibal Blood Priests, it is not impossible that they only chopped up, feasted upon, and piled in heaps the bones of already dead people. Maybe nobody got hurt, like in 90s cartoons, and Herxheim merely quacks like a duck. Or Aztec blood priest. Again in fairness, Herxheim may have been in use over some generations around the turn of the fifth millennium. So maybe they got a couple poor bastards a year, and over a couple hundred years that added up.

So all of this terrible stuff is happening around 5000 BC, after the Linear Pottery Culture has expanded and flourished across Central Europe. They have assimilated the region’s mesolithic hunter-gatherers, moved up the river valleys, and reached unsustainable populations. That demographic zit popped in a torrent of blood (sorry), and the smaller, readjusted population limped on for several more centuries in a kind of late-Linear-Pottery Culture until about 4500 BC. This was Europe’s first Dark Age, a time when civilization, or the closest thing to it, collapsed, leaving people with stories of the splendors of the past, and the rotting skeletons of their ancestors’ longhouses, now nothing more than grassy mounds, under which could have lain the bones of the dead. These houses of the ancestors could be the conceptual forerunners of the first burial mounds in Europe, which would come to be a hallmark of the late-prehistoric European cultural package. For the first half of the fifth millennium BC, the once-unified Linear Pottery Culture split up into smaller, more isolated tribal cultures, settling into a cultural and linguistic equilibrium of related yet distinct peoples and languages.

Speaking of language, that’s the last thing I’d like to touch on today. What was the Linear Pottery Culture’s language like? Whatever language they spoke, it was probably a later form of the speech brought into the Balkans by their Anatolian ancestors. It probably had borrowing and substrate from whatever was spoken by the mesolithic hunter-gatherers they assimilated. Linear Pottery language(s) were related to what was then spoken in the Balkans, and had been spoken three thousand years previously in Anatolia.

There was plausibly a distant relationship with the language then spoken in Italy and the Iberian Peninsula, since as one Anatolian farmer group had moved into the Balkans, another migrated across the Mediterranean. Let’s call this the “Anatolian Farmer Language Family”. Proto-Anatolian-Farmer would have been spoken in Western Anatolia around 8000 BC. We know that by 3000 BC, the language families of that region were Hurro-Urartian, Afro-Asiatic, Sumerian, and the ancestral language families of the Caucasus. But that’s not until five thousand years after the first farmers arrived in Europe. A lot can change in that time.

 At time depths like this, and with a paucity of hard data, it’s better to think typologically than genealogically. Their language may have had some features undocumented in the language families of Western Eurasia, but I doubt the typology was radically different. A rich tonal system is historically undocumented in Western Eurasia. Even if the Linear Pottery language had such a feature, it probably had many more in common with documented languages of the region, for instance agglutination or verbal inflection. I highly doubt they had click consonants. Very broad statements like this are about all we can put together when we go this far back into prehistory—but it’s not nothing.

Next time we’ll be learning about the cultures arising from the Linear Pottery Collapse—this first European Dark Age—as well as what was happening in other areas of the continent at this time. We’ll look at the beginning of the British Neolithic, and the megalithic culture gradually creeping up the Atlantic Coast from Iberia, which would ultimately lead to the iconic barrows and standing stones that are still with us today.

I say “next time”, but I’m probably going to leave the barbarians series here for now. I’ve actually got some good Dene-Yeniseian stuff here in the pipelines. For now I will say that I have something pretty big in the works related to Ket. So please look forward to that. All right, thanks a lot for watching, give me a like and subscribe. Let’s see if I can hit 1000 subscribers, although I worry if I could handle such dizzying heights of fame gracefully. Anyway, you guys have a good weekend, I’m probably gonna study Ket and read. Take it easy.

Dedicated to the real-life Ongka of Papua New Guinea’s Kawelka people, whose documentary inspired my interest in anthropology (and pigs). Fans can read about the end of his life here:

https://www.pngattitude.com/2016/10/how-to-die-with-dignity-peace-learning-from-the-people.html

 

Thursday, May 1, 2025

Ket Morphosyntactic Hierarchy

My big presentation at the Tenkaichi Budokai that is the 4th Annual CU 2025 Linguistics Department grad student conference.

I talk really fast in this, probably because I was doing the Futurama thing where Fry drinks 100 coffees. It's the tail ail end of an all nighter. At 18:19 I say "disjunct boundary" but it sounds like "jeshabobry".
I wanted to put out something within a year of the last video, which was published on 5/3/24. ~50% through the editing process for Age of Barbarians, Part 4: Ongka's Big Eurotrip, which was written in fall and recorded on Valentine's day. Corrected Ket text from beginning incoming.
Sorry it's quiet. I don't have a special microphone and can't be assed to go out, buy one, and learn how to use it. If you guys really think it would improve the videos, I'll think about it.